The BurmaNet News - 17 March, 1998

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------------------------------ BurmaNet -----------------------------
"Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies
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The BurmaNet News, 17 March, 1998
Issue #958 

Noted in passing:
"Let me tell you," began a government spokesman, 
"why Myanmar got into this mess."
(see THE ECONOMIST: MYANMAR / GENERALS UNDER SIEGE

HEADLINES:
==========
Leading Stories:
ASIAWEEK: A HEROINE UNDER FIRE
THE ECONOMIST: MYANMAR / GENERALS UNDER SIEGE
ABSDF MEDIA RELEASE: FORCED RELOCATION REVEALS
POPPY FIELDS NOW IN CENTRAL BURMA

Late Dry-Season Offensive:
BKK POST: FIVE KARENS INJURED IN MORTAR ATTACK
NEWS RELEASE: EMBASSY OF THE UNION OF MYANMAR
THE NATION: UNHCR HAS FAILED REFUGEES FROM BURMA

In Other News:
BKK POST: OUSTER OF BURMESE 'IMPOSSIBLE'
THE NATION: DECISION TO EXPEL BURMESE WORKERS IS
BKK POST / BUSINESS: PLEDGE OF FUNDS FOR MAE SOT
THE NEW LIGHT OF MYANMAR: BRIEFS
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ASIAWEEK: A HEROINE UNDER FIRE
20 March, 1998
by Dominic Faulder

One-time Suu Kyi backers criticize her tactics

YANGON - In a second-floor meeting room of the Yangon 
Office of Ministers, Brigadier-General David Abel receives
important guests.  Abel is responsible for foreign economic 
relations as a minister attached to the chairman's office of 
the State Peace and Development Council (formerly the State 
Law and Order Restoration Council).  The room next door is 
a shrine.  One recent day, as Abel and his visitor, a journalist,
pondered Myanmar's economic woes and prospects, six female 
civil servants recited lengthy prayers to Gen. Aung San and 
other political martyrs.  They prayed in the room where the
general was assassinated more than 50 years ago - just months
before Myanmar was to achieve Independence from Britain.

Myanmar today is held in thrall by its past, which impedes any 
Concerted push into the future.  There is blame enough for this 
state of affairs to go around, but lately the general's only 
daughter, Aung San Suu Kyi, has attracted more critical attention.  
To some, Sun Kyi is a political phoenix who has risen courageously 
from six years under house arrest to reclaim her father's political 
legacy. But to others, she has become an inflexible idealist.

Within Suu Kyi's party, the National League for Democracy, a 
nine-month debate about tactics and strategy has pitted Suu Kyi 
and her somewhat high-minded attitude against older figures who 
favor a more pragmatic approach.  The senior group is generally 
"less confrontational than Suu Kyi," says a veteran Myanmar 
journalist.  But he is quick to add: "They are not going to 
neglect Suu Kyi.  She is the daughter of the national hero, and 
she has sacrificed her family for the cause of democracy."

Indeed, Suu Kyi, now 52, sees little of her British husband 
and their two sons. Some argue that she expects too much 
from supporters in the way of sacrifice.  One case cited is 
that of  NLD-party member San San, a Yangon MP in her 70s who 
was freed conditionally from a 25year prison sentence for about 
four years - only to be re-imprisoned last year for further 
political activity. Undoubtedly, San San knew what she was doing, 
but many believe Suu Kyi should have encouraged her to keep a low 
profile.  "It was perfectly all right that we were antagonistic 
in '88 and '89," says one former supporter. "We needed to generate 
a power base for [Sun Kyi] to speak from. But that has now all been 
squandered in petty squabbles."

"I am gradually disassociating myself," says one veteran NLD figure
who has lately been finding the strain of party work too great. "I 
shall carry on in my own way." A former close aide to Suu Kyi is 
more overtly critical: "She is autocratic. It's a bit childish when 
you're not prepared to see what's really happening. A lot of MPs [who 
had supported her] have upped and gone home.  They are desperate and
disillusioned, and they feel they let the people down." This critic 
says Suu Kyi remains popular with most citizens, who don't know her 
well. "Ordinary people really love her and trust her. They have no 
idea whether her tactics are right or winning. The disillusioned 
people are those who have worked with her."

Late last year, the military's attempt to open talks with NLD 
representatives failed after Suu Kyi, a Nobel Peace Prize 
laureate, ordered party chairman Aung Shwe not to attend. 
She argued that the military had no right to dictate NLD 
representation. Some diplomats in Yangon think her reaction was 
too prickly by half - she would have been better off to show that 
she could not be dragged down by such tactics. Others think she 
may have unintentionally betrayed a lack of faith in her senior 
colleagues. The entire incident has called into question her 
political astuteness.

It is ironic. Gen. Aung San's military heirs and his only daughter
apparently cannot agree upon anything - even whether to talk.  
Suu Kyi is referred to disdainfully as "Her Ladyship" by some in 
the military intelligence.  There is real venom in the dispute over 
who can rightly lay claim to the general's legacy.  The stubborness 
on both sides is nearly unimaginable.  From the junta, allegations 
of treason and economic sabotage frequently are made against Suu Kyi.

In today's Myanmar, these are serious charges.  National integrity 
is a very serious business in Myanmar, and the government's mistrust -
its bunker mentality - remains.  In fact, containment of China is 
still a hot topic at the Ministry of Defense.  "We have never lost a 
battle since the end of the World War II," boasts a senior intelligence 
officer as he sips tea.  "We were the only socialists in the world 
fighting communists." His reminiscences are almost wistful, his hopes 
for the future bright. The Beijing-backed Communist Party of Burma 
he has been discussing collapsed in 1989. It was a leftist dinosaur 
held at bay by the military until it fell apart.

Today, the military seems focused on the "enemy within." A new 
Constitution, the nation's third since Independence in 1948, has
been under construction for the last five years.  And although 
sources say work on it could probably be speedily brought to a 
close, few expect to see a finished product by the end of this 
century.  Ultimately, however, its workability is in doubt because 
the NLD, which won a landslide general election in 1990, has been 
excluded from the drafting.  

Minimizing the NLD's involvement has undoubtedly been a 
determined strategy by Myanmar's generals.  And to the extent 
that the total exclusion of the party in late 1995 was intended 
to sow dissension within the pro-democracy ranks, it may have 
worked.  Recently, however, a top aide to intelligence chief 
Lt-Gen. Khin Nyunt told Asiaweek that the government would 
give very serious consideration to any approach from the NLD 
about re-entering the National Convention, the body created by 
the military to draft a new constitution.

It is difficult to say whether anything will come of such an offer.  
Burmese politics often is best characterized by negatives: missed 
opportunities, ethnic divisions, disastrous splits between and within 
parties, and even blatant racism. (When a top general's son recently 
married a Singaporean former airline flight attendant, he was publicly
disowned.) The military is imbued with a "friend or foe" mentality. 
Nothing in between.  The pro-democracy advocates are not so different:
"If you are not with me, you are against me." Gen. Aung San's despair 
at finding his own kin locked in a bitter feud with the very military 
he spawned cannot be in doubt.

**********************************************************

THE ECONOMIST: MYANMAR / GENERALS UNDER SIEGE
7 March, 1998

YANGON - "Let me tell you," began a government spokesman, 
"why Myanmar got into this mess."  The explanation that followed 
was less startling than the opening admission.  Representatives of 
the military junta usually claim the country is doing very well, 
considering the lack of help it receives from abroad, but "mess" 
is a fair summary of Myanmar's economic and political predicament.  
It is now so serious that even cabinet ministers speak of the 
possibility of a return to the desperate isolation this regime 
boasted of ending when it came to power in 1988.

Before then, " we survived for 30 years," says General David Abel, 
a minister of the State Peace and Development Council, as the junta
has been calling itself since November.  "We won't go back to that."  
But some analysts in Myanmar believe the junta may have no choice,
unless it is prepared to countenance political reform, and it is not. 
Its disdain for human rights and the fact that  narcotics are produced 
on its territory ensure the government is denied most foreign aid, 
including loans from the World Bank and the IMF; and the regional 
slump is battering hopes that private trade and investment might 
provide a substitute.

Michael Doglas-Higginson, who runs a consultancy in the capital Yangon, 
says that by July last year he had raised $250 m in pledged investment 
for Myanmar.  All the promised money has since been withdrawn. Myanmar 
had seen its accession last July to the Association of South-East Asian 
Nations as a ticket to prosperity.  Already, with the exception of 
American and European involvement in natural-gas developments, ASEAN 
countries were Myanmar's largest foreign investors. Now most have enough 
troubles of their own.

The street value of the Myanmar currency, the kyat, fell last year by
more than 80% reaching 380 to the dollar at one point.  Since then it
has recovered to about 270.  General Abel says this was achieved by
cutting imports, even for re-exporters, by limiting the remittances
abroad of trading companies to $50,000 a month, and by insisting that
government departments use their dollar budget allocations, rather than
hang on to them, and sell their kyat at the market rate.  A round-up of
black-market currency dealers also helped.

But the result is that imports have dried up.  Border trade with
Thailand and China has virtually stopped.  Inflation, according 
to one foreign embassy, is running at an annualised rate of 60%. 
Reserves of foreign exchange are believed to be below $100m.  
Widespread flooding last year damaged the country's rice crop.

Myanmar officials blame many of their troubles on the United States,
which is the main obstacle to finance from the multilateral agencies,
and which last year banned new American investment in the country. 
A military spokesman sees this as part of America's efforts to contain 
the rise of China.  According to him, American wants a "pro-western,
anti-Chinese government in Myanmar", which because of the tiny size 
of its economy, is a "soft target".

But it is not just America that would like to see the generals start
talking to the opposition National League for Democracy, led by Aung 
San Suu Kyi, ASEAN governments also urge talks. The generals say they 
have tried, but have been thwarted by Miss Suu Kyi's "stubbornness" in
insisting she should attend any talks. Their strategy seems to be to 
divide the League, trying to find some of its leaders to talk to, in 
the hope that they will help legitimise an election that would perpetuate 
army rule. The League easily won an election in 1990. whose result the 
junta chose to ignore.

Some exiled dissidents believe the junta is quite confident about this
plan, encouraged by the ceasefires it has signed with all but one of 
the ethnic rebellions on its borders, and by recent signs of disagreement
in the League's leadership.  But, as one League leader puts it, "The
situation does not allow us that luxury.  There is no split."  Another
says that, on the contrary, the economic crisis and splits within the
army itself will force it to talk toMiss Suu Kyi.

The junta's name-change last November involved a purge of generals 
said to be corrupt.  At least four cabinet ministers are under 
investigation.  Even the current junta seems somewhat lacking in 
self-confidence.  On March 1st, it announced the arrest of 40 
"terrorists" it claimed had links with exiled students, the defunct 
communist party and the League, Universities remain shut for fear of 
student protests.

It has also embarked on a public relations drive, inviting journalists
on a visit to hear "the other side of the story".  This included a public
bonfire of two tons of opium and heroin to show the success of
erdaication efforts.  The heroin went up in a ferocious blaze. The
opium, like the general's efforts at image-enhancement, did not at
first, catch fire.

*********************************************************************

ABSDF MEDIA RELEASE: FORCED RELOCATION REVEALS POPPY FIELDS 
NOW IN CENTRAL BURMA
16 March, 1998

A relocation order issued by the Burmese military in January this
year has revealed the existence of poppy fields along the Arakan
Yoma mountain range in central Burma, about 530 kilometres
northwest of Rangoon.

The ABSDF understands this is the first time it has been
disclosed that opium poppy is being grown in central Burma,
although it is widely known that opium poppy is grown in Shan
State and areas within Kachin State, Chin State and Sagaing
Division.

According to informed sources on the Indian-Burma border, poppy
has been grown for the past few years near the townships of
Ngape, Mindon and Sidoktaya in the western part of Magwe Division
in the mountains of Arakan Yoma. The opium is shipped to the
Indian-Burma border for distribution with the help of the Burmese
military and local civilian authorities.

The existence of the poppy fields was uncovered when some 5,000
people from the villages of Bhaya Gone, Kyaung Gone, U Myei Khon,
Wingaba and Minlwin in Ngape township were forced to move from
their homes by the Burmese army. 

Sources say a small number of these villagers were involved in
growing opium poppy, along with a much larger number of people
brought into the area from other regions. They say the poppy is
being grown with the full knowledge of the Burmese army and local
officials. The locals are angry at being relocated because the
majority of them have never grown opium poppy, and are also
frustrated as they have had no means by which to fight the
relocation order.

According to an agreement between poppy growers and the
authorities, the growers are free to cultivate opium poppy but
are required to grow a certain amount at designated areas. The
poppy in these designated areas is then destroyed by the military
and videotaped as part of their supposed drive to eradicate the
trade in illicit drugs. 

Local sources say that the relocation from Ngape township was
supposedly part of the Burmese army's drug eradication drive. The
army is said to have destroyed some poppy fields in the area,
however many more remain intact. 

Meanwhile, the Burmese Army has seized heroin processing
equipment from two members of the Kachin Defense Army (KDA) in
Muse on the China-Burma border on February 2, 1998. Sources say
that the Burmese army was pondering whether or not to charge the
two, but did not want to sour the army's relationship with the
KDA.

The KDA is a breakaway faction of the Kachin Independence Army
and signed a cease-fire agreement with the military regime in
1991. In a 1995 report on drugs by the US government, the head of
the KDA, U Mahtu Naw, was listed as one of Burma's major drug
producers.  

All Burma Students' Democratic Front 
For more information please call 375 0479.

*************************************************************

BKK POST: FIVE KARENS INJURED IN MORTAR ATTACK
16 March, 1998
by Supamart Kasem

Pro-Rangoon forces target Mae La camp

MAE SOT, TAK - Five Karen refugees were wounded after eight 
mortar rounds fired by pro-Rangoon Democratic Karen Buddhist 
Army (DKBA) guerrillas landed on Mae La camp in Tha Song 
Yang district yesterday afternoon.

The attack followed a DKBA raid on nearby Huay Kalok camp last 
Wednesday in which three refugees were killed and about 1,000
dwellings torched, leaving about 9,000 refugees homeless.

The source said the first two mortar shells landed on Zone A of 
Mae La camp on Mae Sot-Mae Sariang road shortly after noon, 
seriously wounding three refugees.

Later at 1.45 p.m. while panic stricken refugees were preparing to 
leave the camp another eight rounds hit the camp, wounding two 
other refugees.

The wounded were later sent to Tha Song Yang hospital.

Mae La camp houses some 30,000 Karen refugees loyal to 
Karen National Union (KNU) General Bo Mya, the leader 
of Burma's last ethnic resistance movement.

A large number of DKBA troops were reported to have been 
deployed on the other side of the border opposite Ban Mae La 
and poised for attacks on Mae La camp since early last week.

At least 30 armed DKBA soldiers tried to cross the border on 
Tuesday night, causing many refugees to leave and spend the 
night outside the camp.

On Saturday, 15 managed to cross the border but fled back 
after being spotted by Thai border forces.

Meanwhile, about 2,000 Rangoon troops which were deployed 
along the border opposite Tha Song Yang and Mae Ramat districts 
reportedly clashed with soldiers of KNU's 7th Division.  
Casualties were not yet known.

Third Army Area commander Lt-Gen Thanom Watcharaput 
ordered reinforcements of troops and four 105 and 155 artillery 
pieces to the border on Saturday night on receiving the report 
of Burmese forces massing along the other side of the border.  
They were supported by local border patrol police units.

Earlier yesterday morning, army chief Gen Chettha Thanajaro 
and his entourage visited for a situation briefing at the Fourth
Infantry Regiment Task Force headquarters in Mae Sot.

He later held a meeting with Lt-Gen Thanom, Fourth Infantry 
Division commander Maj-Gen Chalor Thongsala, Fourth Infantry 
Regiment Task Force commander Col Chatchapat Yamngarmriab 
and local BPP leaders.

Reporters were barred from covering the meeting and Gen Chettha's
activities.

******************************************************

NEWS  RELEASE: EMBASSY OF THE UNION OF MYANMAR
OTTAWA, CANADA
12 March, 1998 / Vol.10, No.2

In response to a News Release of the Department of Foreign Affairs 
and International Trade of Canada dated March 12, 1998, the following 
is the position of the Embassy of the Union of Myanmar in Ottawa.

1. The allegation that the attack on the "Burmese Refugee Camp" at 
Huay Kalok near Mae Sot in Thailand was carried out by "Burmese 
Military Forces supported by a group of Karens allied with them" 
requires clarification.   Any suggestion to the effect that the 
Myanmar Government Armed Forces (The Tatmadaw) were involved in 
this incident will be categorically rejected, since the Tatmadaw 
never violates the border of  a neighbouring friendly country 
deliberately.

2. The incident in question is an inter-factional conflict within the
ranks of the Karen National Union or the KNU (an armed separatist group 
waging a war with successive central governments for the past fifty years) 
-- some of whom desire to return to the Kayin (Karen) State of the Union 
of Myanmar while most of the KNU leadership takes refuge across the border 
in Thailand and still maintains a highly belligerent attitude towards the
Independent and United Myanmar. (They have been and are still receiving
considerable material and moral support from certain western organizations.)

3. The Armed Forces of the Union of Myanmar and the Armed Forces Of Kingdom
of Thailand enjoy a most friendly relationship and have always cooperated 
with each other in safeguarding their national borders.

4. It should be noted that the reconciliation within the national races
of Myanmar have been achieved with 17 former insurgent groups rendering 
the entire country peaceful and open to all travellers, developers and 
tourists. A small area of sparsely inhabited jungles within the Kayin
State is the only exception in this process

5. It is hoped that instead of the present unfortunate inter-factional
conflicts and loss of lives, the entire KNU insurgents and their
families will return to the legal fold like the other nationalities'
former armed insurgents did so that peace will prevail in the whole
country and the transition towards a democratic constitutional
government can be accelerated.

***********************************************************

THE NATION: UNHCR HAS FAILED REFUGEES FROM BURMA
15 March, 1998
Letter to the Editor

It is altogether typical of UNHCR in Bangkok, that although it
had years in which to assess An Naing, the dissident Burmese 
student, over his status while he served out his sentence, it did 
not do so. The plain truth of the matter is that UNHCR seems wholly 
indifferent to the issue of Burmese refugees. At best, the serve as 
a reason for picking up a pay cheque at the end of the month.

As for UNHCR's concern over his having committed a crime of violence, 
did it not think it a crime of violence when upwards of 20,000 ethnic 
Burmese refugees were forced back across the border by the Thai 9th 
Army division, some of whom later came under attack by Burmese army
troops? Given UNHCR's silence on the matter, one can only conclude 
they approved of these actions.

The truth of the matter, whether it is a question of UNHCR assessing a
Burmese dissident, or the issue of providing adequate recognition and
protection for refugees from Burma, is that UNHCR has done an appallingly 
shabby job.

NGO worker
Bangkok

***************************************************************

BKK POST: OUSTER OF BURMESE 'IMPOSSIBLE'
15 March, 1998
by Saritdet Marukatat & Onnucha Hutasingh

Sukhumbhand says measure won't work

Deputy Foreign Minister Sukhumbhand Paribatra said that it was 
impossible to expel all Burmese workers as part of moves to 
safeguard jobs for Thai citizens.

M.R. Sukhumbhand told a meeting of labour experts that the 
short-term solution was to limit the Burmese to service jobs 
ignored by Thai labourers such as working on trawlers.

About one million foreign workers sell their labour in the country,
including over 750,000-800,000 from Burma, most of whom have illegal
status, according to Mahidol University's Institute of Population 
and Research, the seminar organiser.

The Labour and Social Welfare Ministry is launching a campaign to 
evict foreign migrant workers in order to make room for some two 
million Thais expected to lose jobs as a result of businesses 
collapsing from financial crisis.

The ministry has warned that it will not renew work permits for 
the migrant workers, which means their continued stay in the 
country thereafter would be illegal.

M.R. Sukhumbhand said the government needed better collaboration 
with Burma in repatriating them and would work closely with 
international agencies and non-governmental organisations to ensure 
their safety and transparency of the plan. But the permanent solution 
was to improve conditions in Burma so that the people stay in the 
country rather than come to Thailand to find better-paid jobs, he added.

The government would work harder on a constructive engagement policy 
with Burma to bring about better social and economic conditions, the 
deputy minister added.

M.R. Sukhumbhand said Thailand would renew efforts to push for the 
creation of a body in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations to 
tackle labour migration which would be a major problem after the 
grouping launches a free trade area in 2003.

The fate of workers from Burma has become a concern for human rights
advocates. Many are from ethnic groups fleeing human rights violations 
by Rangoon authorities.

Meanwhile, a Thammasat University lecturer called on the government 
to have a clearer and more transparent policy on the handling of the 
Burmese refugees problem.

Government policies which affect bilateral relations are often 
manipulated by self-interested leaders, putting Rangoon at an 
advantage when it comes to discussing problems, said Chulaporn 
Ueraksakul.

The academic felt the state agencies lacked unity in designing 
the national policies and failed to preserve the interest of 
the nation.

Wanchai Ruchanawong, an Attorney-General Office official, said
complications in the refugee problem would continue to go unabated 
if the alien labour racket involving influential figures was not 
suppressed.

He said many witnesses in the alien labour cases had died at the 
hands of influential people before justice was served.

Rangoon must assist in a safe repatriation of Burmese alien workers, 
a vast number of whom had fled into Thailand as refugees, he said, 
adding that the issue has become a regional problem.

Somchai Homla-or, the Forum Asia secretary-general, criticised the
government for trying to drive out the Burmese refugees whose 
contribution he said has strengthened the country's workforce. The 
planned expulsion ignored the humanitarian principle.

He also took to task the constructive engagement policy toward Burma,
saying it has paved the way for Thai businessmen to exploit Burma's 
resources.

Khao Sod editor-in-chief Kiatchai Pongchanich said the government's
international policy on Burma was under too much influence from
neighbouring countries some of which follow authoritarian rules. 
Meanwhile, Thailand and its Asean member states will block attempts 
by western nations to impose trade barriers against countries dependent 
on illegal alien workers.

Trairong Suwannakhiri, the Labour and Social Welfare minister, said 
Asean will declare at the June meeting of International Labour 
Organisation in Switzerland that the use of cheap illegal alien labour 
is still necessary for economic development in Third World countries.

Mr Trairong said Asean, however, will ensure that the illegal workers 
are not taken advantage of and their basic rights not violated.

Mr Trairong was entrusted by Asean, which groups Brunei, Indonesia,
Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, Laos, Vietnam and Burma, 
to represent member states at the ILO meeting.

The minister, who attended a seminar on the repatriation of foreign 
workers at Chulalongkorn University yesterday, said foreign media 
reports that Thailand would be abusing human rights by driving 
300,000 Burmese refugees out of the country in six months' time was 
not true.

He said Thailand considers them illegal immigrants and not war refugees.

Sending illegal aliens home was a common practice by governments all 
over the world, he said.

Chidchai Wannasathit, the Immigration Police Bureau commissioner, said
between 60,000-70,000 illegal alien workers had voluntarily returned 
home between January 1 and March 11.

The number should reach 100,000 by the Songkran festival in mid-April, 
Pol Lt Gen Chidchai said.

Prasobchai Yuwawet, the Employment Department deputy chief, quoted 
reports as saying that until March 6, 57,422 illegal workers were 
dismissed by their employers which helped create 16,404 new jobs for 
Thais.

The government plans to send home 300,000 illegal immigrants, most of 
them Burmese, by July.

The forced repatriation is meant to reduce the growing jobless rate at
home. Academics and non-governmental organisations, however, criticise 
the policy as violating human rights as far as the safety of illegal 
Burmese immigrants in Burma was concerned.

Boonsak Kamhaengrittirong, the National Security Council secretary-general, 
said the policy would be implemented with flexibility and priority would 
be given to the safety of the workers. "We still want to join the global 
community with dignity and do not want to be denounced as inhumane," 
he said.

**********************************************************

THE NATION: DECISION TO EXPEL BURMESE WORKERS IS UNWORKABLE
16 March, 1998
Letter to the Editor

Referring to the article by Mukdawan Sakboon (March 14, The Nation), 
I fully agree with the view that the Thai government's decision on 
illegal labourers is not viable.  As some of the participants from 
concerned groups had expressed during the public hearing, Burmese 
are being abused by Thai authorities.

It is true that many Burmese immigrant workers are paying Bt3,000-5,000 
each to Thai authorities, especially the police, for their safe return.  
Those who do not cooperate are arrested on their way home and their 
property, such as money, gold and other goods, are confiscated.  If 
the Thai government really wants to implement its decision, it should 
take full responsibility in sending these workers back safely.

I also highly appreciate the proposal made at the public hearing that
employers and illegal migrant workers who want to go home be exempted 
from legal prosecution for a certain period and those who will not leave
voluntarily or who face danger upon arrival in Burma should be allowed to
continue working temporarily.

In addition, I would like to express my heartfelt thanks to the 
Thai government for allowing Burmese to work here for years.  If 
the indicators expressed by participants in the public hearing that 
only a few Thais are to take over the jobs of immigrant workers are 
true, 1 would like to appeal the Thai government to review its 
decision to replace illegal immigrant workers with local workers. 
I also urge the Thai government to take into account the appeal of 
our democracy leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi on the matter.

Ba Maung Zin
Bangkok

******************************************************

BKK POST / BUSINESS: PLEDGE OF FUNDS FOR MAE SOT ECONOMIC ZONE
16 March, 1998
by Saritdet Marukatat

WORK LIKELY TO START NEXT FISCAL YEAR

The Industry Ministry is poised to transform Mae Sot into an
economic zone following a pledge from the government to provide
money for the project next fiscal year.

Aphiwat Asamaporn of the policy and planning division said he had
been assured that funds for the plan, which had been shelved by
the government's financial squeeze, would be available in the
budget for the 1999 fiscal year starting in October.

He declined to reveal the amount needed, but the International
Consultancy Network, which made a preliminary study last year,
estimated the cost of a master plan for the town at 10.6 million
baht.

The ministry wants to develop Mae Sot as an economic zone to
attract industries. It believes the town will flourish after the
road to Rangoon, 400 kilometres to the west, is completed.
Thailand and Burma are connected by a bridge aver the Moei River,
between Mae Sot and Myawaddy, which opened last year.

Burma is considering developing Myawaddy as an industrial zone
twinning with one in Mae Sot.

Mae Sot is one of 11 border towns nationwide earmarked for
development to service growing links with neighbouring countries.
Others include Mukdahan and Sadao.

The development of Mae Sot is funded entirely by the government.
The Asian Development Bank has helped town planning projects for
other centres, but refused to assist Mae Sot because the project
involves Burma.

The Manila-based- bank avoids deals with Burma, citing that
country's human rights violations and suppression of democracy.

Meanwhile, the Burmese government has agreed to find a new bidder
to develop a road from Thachilek to Keng Tung using a
low-interest loan of 300 million baht from Thailand, according to
Pornchai Rujiprapa, assistant secretary-general of the National
Economic, Social and Development Board.

The project has been delayed by the previous inability of
construction firms to start work.

The 164-kilometre road is designed to link Mae Sai in Chiang Rai
with Yunnan in southern China through Shan state in Burma as part
of an economic cooperation plan including links with Laos.


*******************************************************

THE NEW LIGHT OF MYANMAR: BRIEFS
[abridged]

WHO REGIONAL DIRECTOR CALLS ON MINISTER FOR HEALTH
16 March, 1998

YANGON, 15 March - Dr Uton Muchtar Rafei, WHO Regional 
Director for SouthEast Asia, called on Minister for Health Maj-Gen 
Ket Sein at his office this afternoon.

They discussed health activities to be jointly carried out by WHO 
and the ministry.

Also present were Deputy Minister Dr Mya Oo, heads of departments 
under the ministry, WHO Resident Representative Dr Klaus Wagner
and officials.

Dr Rafei arrived here by air this morning.
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MPT TO USE THAICOM3 SATELLITE TRANSPONDERS IN DOMESTIC SERVICES
14 March, 1998

YANGON, 13 March - Myanma Posts and Telecommunications 
has reached agreement with Shinawatra Satellite Public Co Ltd to 
use ThaiCom3 satellite transponders in its internal satellite 
communication services.

Managing Director of MPT Col Maung Maung Tin and Chairman 
and Acting President of the company Mr Dumrong Kasemset 
signed the contract today in the presence of Minister for 
Communications, Posts and Telegraphs Brig-Gen Win Tin.
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MEETING 2/98 ON ORGANIZING 24TH ASIA AND PACIFIC REGIONAL CONFERENCE
14 March, 1998

YANGON, 13 March - The Working Committee for Organizing 
24th Asia and Pacific Regional Conference of the FAO held the 
meeting No 2/98 at the Ministry of Agriculture and Irrigation 
this morning.

Present were Chairman of Working Committee Deputy Minister for 
Agriculture and Irrigation Brig-Gen Khin Maung, committee members, 
deputy ministers from various ministries, subcommittee chairmen, 
directors-general and managing directors, Resident Representative 
of FAO Dr Prem Nath and officials of departments and enterprises.

Brig-Gen Khin Maung elaborated on organizing the conference.
Officials of various subcommittees reported on progress of work 
done for the conference.

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